The National Consumer Law Center responded quickly and critically, noting that "the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC), in its final rule implementing the preemption amendments of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2010, continues to thumb its nose at state efforts to protect consumers. The agency gives national banks immunity from state laws protecting consumers from abusive mortgage, credit card and overdraft fee practices." Go here to see NCLC's comments on the proposed rules.
OCC Issues Final Rule to Implement Provisions of the Dodd-Frank Act
WASHINGTON — The Office of the Comptroller of the Currency today issued a final rule implementing several provisions of the Dodd-Frank Act, including changes to facilitate the transfer of functions from the Office of Thrift Supervision and revisions to the OCC’s rules on preemption and visitorial powers. The OCC issued a notice of proposed rulemaking for this final rule on May 26, 2011.
Under the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, the OCC assumes responsibility for the ongoing examination, supervision, and regulation of federal savings associations on July 21.
This final rule contains changes to the OCC’s regulations necessary to implement certain revisions to the banking laws that took effect on the enactment of the Dodd-Frank Act. These changes include amendments to OCC rules pertaining to preemption and visitorial powers.
The preemption and visitorial-powers amendments:
- Eliminate preemption for operating subsidiaries of national banks and operating subsidiaries of Federal savings associations;
- Apply to federal thrifts the same preemption standard – that is, a conflict preemption standard and not an occupation of the field standard – as applies to national banks, and apply to Federal thrifts the visitorial powers standards applicable to national banks;
- Eliminate ambiguity concerning the preemption standards in OCC regulations by removing language from OCC rules that provides that state laws that "obstruct, impair, or condition" a national bank's powers are preempted; and
- Revise the OCC's visitorial powers rule to conform the Supreme Court's Cuomodecision, recognizing the ability of state attorneys general to bring enforcement actions in court to enforce applicable laws against national banks as authorized by such laws.
In response to public comments received, the text of the preemption and visitorial powers amendments was revised to:
- Add language to clarify that, going forward, federal savings associations will be subject to the same preemption standards that apply to national banks.
- Clarify the definition of “visitorial powers” in § 7.4000(a)(2)(iv) to include direct investigations of national banks, such as through requests for documents or testimony directed to the bank to ascertain the bank’s compliance with law through mechanisms not otherwise authorized under the rule.
- This definition would not include collecting information from other sources, or from the bank through actions that do not constitute visitations, or as authorized under federal law.
- Modify a new paragraph, (b) § 7.4000, added in the proposed rulemaking which specifically provides that “[i]n accordance with the decision of the Supreme Court in Cuomo . . ., an action against a national bank in a court of appropriate jurisdiction brought by a state attorney general (or other chief law enforcement officer) to enforce an applicable law against a national bank and to seek relief as authorized by such law is not an exercise of visitorial powers under 12 U.S.C. 484.”
- The phrase “applicable law” was added in place of “non-preempted state law” in order to address concerns expressed by public commenters that the latter could be interpreted more narrowly than the former.
The preamble to the final rule expands the discussion of the preemption and visitorial powers provisions to address more thoroughly certain points raised in public comment letters received by the OCC. In particular, the preamble notes that the OCC has reconsidered its position concerning precedent that relied on the "obstructs, impairs, or conditions” standard. To the extent that an existing preemption precedent relies exclusively on the phrase “obstructs, impairs, or conditions” as the basis for a preemption determination, the preamble states that the validity of the precedent would need to be reexamined to ascertain whether the determination is consistent with the Barnett conflict preemption analysis.
The final rule also revises OCC rules in areas that are central to internal agency functions and operations immediately upon the transfer of supervisory jurisdiction for federal savings associations. These include amendments to the OCC’s assessment fee rule to include federal savings associations. Following a transition period, the final rule provides a single assessment schedule for both national banks and federal savings associations. To facilitate the transition of federal thrift supervision from the OTS to the OCC, the OCC will compute assessment fees under both the OCC and OTS schedules for assessments charged in September 2011 and March 2012. Federal savings associations will pay the lesser of the two fees. Beginning with assessments charged in September 2012, the OCC will assess institution fees based on a single fee schedule regardless of charter.
The rule also includes revisions to rules related to OCC organization, the availability and release of information under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), and post-employment restrictions for senior examiners.
As part of the integration of the OTS functions into the OCC, the OCC also plans to issue an Interim Final Rule, with a request for comments, that republishes those OTS regulations the OCC has the authority to promulgate and enforce as of the transfer date, renumbered and issued as new OCC rules, with nomenclature and other technical amendments to reflect OCC supervision of federal savings associations. The OCC will consider more comprehensive substantive amendments to these regulations, as appropriate, later this year.
The final rule will be published in the Federal Register tomorrow.
Related link
- Final Rule (PDF)
Friday, July 22, 2011
A Pair of Payday Lending Pieces
Amy Lavine
of Albany has written Zoning Out Payday Loan Stores and Other Alternative Financial Services Providers. Here's the abstract:Payday lenders and similar alternative financial services providers are primarily regulated at the state level, but local governments have increasingly begun to impose restrictions of their own on these fringe financial services providers. While some ordinances have focused on lending restrictions and other consumer protections, most municipal payday lender regulations are found in zoning and other land use laws.
Zoning has long been used to restrict the siting of undesirable land uses – ranging from junkyards and landfills to tattoo shops and adult businesses – making it an ideal method for local governments to regulate payday lenders. Experience with other unwanted land uses has led to the development of various zoning techniques appropriate for controlling these businesses, such as separation and dispersal requirements, nonconforming use limitations, special permit procedures, and partial or total exclusions.
This article provides an overview of these and other approaches that local governments have taken to regulate alternative financial services providers. After providing some background regarding the general functions and characteristics of these businesses in the first section, the second section discusses state-level financial regulations and preemption issues. The third section covers the different types of municipal controls that have been imposed on payday lenders and similar businesses, drawing on actual ordinances as well as on case law discussing their use and validity. Finally, the fourth section mentions several alternative, incentive-based non-zoning approaches that have been used to improve financial literacy and extend traditional banking services to a broader population. An appendix listing and briefly describing more than 60 payday lender ordinances is also included.
Zoning has long been used to restrict the siting of undesirable land uses – ranging from junkyards and landfills to tattoo shops and adult businesses – making it an ideal method for local governments to regulate payday lenders. Experience with other unwanted land uses has led to the development of various zoning techniques appropriate for controlling these businesses, such as separation and dispersal requirements, nonconforming use limitations, special permit procedures, and partial or total exclusions.
This article provides an overview of these and other approaches that local governments have taken to regulate alternative financial services providers. After providing some background regarding the general functions and characteristics of these businesses in the first section, the second section discusses state-level financial regulations and preemption issues. The third section covers the different types of municipal controls that have been imposed on payday lenders and similar businesses, drawing on actual ordinances as well as on case law discussing their use and validity. Finally, the fourth section mentions several alternative, incentive-based non-zoning approaches that have been used to improve financial literacy and extend traditional banking services to a broader population. An appendix listing and briefly describing more than 60 payday lender ordinances is also included.
Jonathan Caleb Landon
adds Usury and the Church: A Christian Response to Payday Lending. The abstract follows:A recent study by Christopher Peterson & Steven Graves found that “payday” lenders are more prevalent in conservative Christian areas. This paper offers a supplement to Peterson & Graves findings by adding to the discussion the perspective of the Christian churches, located both inside and outside of the areas implicated in the study, on the issue of poverty and its connection to predatory lending practices. This paper’s study employed ethnographic research methods to uncover Christians' perception on these issues. The findings do not support the social/political stereotype that conservative Christians necessarily support conservative political positions regarding usury laws, but instead suggest a more fundamental issue with the Christian church actually accomplishing its mission of applying Biblical teaching to all areas of life, which include one's financial dealings and providing for the poor in one's community.
Posted by Jeff Sovern on Friday, July 22, 2011 at 12:14 PM in Predatory Lending Permalink Comments (0) TrackBack (0)
Thursday, July 21, 2011
The Office of the Controller of the Currency Issues Final Preemption Rules; Consumer Advocates Cry Foul
As you may know, the Office of the Controller of the Currency (OCC) of the U.S. Department of the Treasury has claimed that its so-called "visitorial powers" give it very broad preemptive power to nix state-law efforts to regulate national banks. In 2004, OCC issued pro-preemption regulations to that effect. Consumer groups have long claimed that while the federal government was doing little or nothing to regulate, for instance, the core banking function of (predatory) lending, OCC unwisely and unlawfully prevented the states from filling the vacuum.
Last year, OCC was required by the Dodd-Frank financial reform legislation to revisit its preemption stance. Many people thought that Dodd-Frank greatly restricted the preemptive effect of federal law. Not so, according to final OCC regulations issued yesterday. The National Consumer Law Center responded quickly and critically, noting that "the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC), in its final rule implementing the preemption amendments of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2010, continues to thumb its nose at state efforts to protect consumers. The agency gives national banks immunity from state laws protecting consumers from abusive mortgage, credit card and overdraft fee practices." Go here to see NCLC's comments on the proposed rules.
Wall Street Lobbying to Opt Out of Dodd-Frank
A Public Citizen report released today analyzes the efforts of 24 financial-services companies and trade groups to opt themselves out of Dodd-Frank's limits on incentive-based compensation. The report finds that, "[c]ollectively, the organizations have spent $242.4 million on lobbying since the beginning of 2010" and "have deployed 712 lobbyists, of whom 387 previously worked for the federal government, either as congressional staffers or in executive branch positions." Most of the organizations are seeking to be partially or completely exampted from rulemaking on Section 956 of Dodd-Frank, which imposes disclosure requirements and substantive restrictions on incentive-based compensation.
In addition, the report finds that the organizations made $15.6 million in campaign contributions to congressional candidates during the 2010 campaign cycle.
Posted by Greg Beck on Thursday, July 21, 2011 at 11:11 AM in Consumer Financial Protection Bureau,Consumer Legislative Policy Permalink Comments (0) TrackBack (0)
Fans v. Fans, or TicketBastard v. StubHub?
by Paul Alan Levy
New York Times reports on the battle over how tickets may be scalped between two groups claiming to represent fans, the "Fans First Coalition" and the "Fan Freedom Project," each of which is funded by rival companies that run major scalping operations.
Wednesday, July 20, 2011
Grand Theft Auto, or Preemption Run Amok
In a case now before the 4th Circuit Court of Appeals, Chase Bank asserts that it may repossess an auto loan borrower’s car without complying with consumer protections in state commercial law. The Maryland District Court found for Chase Bank, concluding that 1) the National Bank Act preempts state repossession notice law and 2) Chase was not bound by the mandatory loan contract term specifically incorporating Maryland repossession law, because as an assignee of the contract, Chase had not voluntarily agreed (!) to the choice of law provision.
The opening brief of the appellants is here and the lower court opinion is here. The logic of the lower court opinion is remarkable. It seems to suggest that even the repossession rules of Article 9 of the Uniform Commercial Code could be preempted by the National Bank Act and OCC regulations. What is truly extraordinary, however, is the idea that a national bank could on the one hand invoke the privilege, created by the UCC and other state law, to repossess collateral without judicial process, while on the other hand disregarding the restrictions and consumer protections that accompany that privilege. If the entirety of state commercial and debt collection law conflicts with the National Bank Act, then there was no state law basis for Chase to seize Ms. Epps' car, and the purported repossession was nothing more than grand theft.
Posted by Alan White on Wednesday, July 20, 2011 at 06:02 PM in Consumer Litigation, Debt Collection,Preemption Permalink Comments (0) TrackBack (0)
Trying to Keep Up with the CFPB News
by Jeff Sovern
It's tough to keep up with the coverage of the Bureau this week, but here are a few noteworthy pieces. Bloomberg reports: Republicans Target CFPB, Call Nomination ‘Dead on Arrival.’ A quote:
“It is unclear why the centerpiece of the president’s financial reform package has taken so long to materialize, but what is clear is that this nomination is dead on arrival because it does nothing to increase accountability or shed light on the operations of the CFPB,” Senator Jerry Moran said today at a Banking Committee hearing on consumer protection, referring to Obama’s selection of Richard Cordray to serve as the bureau’s director.
I love it when people opposed to the Bureau criticize the President for taking a long time to nominate a director, but putting that aside, how could any nomination increase (or decrease, for that matter) "accountability or shed light on the operations of" any agency?
Here's another report, from Reuters: U.S. House to consider consumer agency bill. Andhere's an interview Elizabeth Warren gave on Rachel Maddow (about eight minutes in), in which she says that the reason she can't run the agency is because of its Republican opponents. She added "we are not, not, not going to let the minority come in and dictate the terms of this agency – rip its arms and legs off before it is able to help a single family.” Finally, the Wall Street Journal describes Richard Cordray as "Mrs. Warren without the charm."
Posted by Jeff Sovern on Wednesday, July 20, 2011 at 04:57 PM in Consumer Financial Protection Bureau Permalink Comments (1) TrackBack (0)
Two Reports from the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau
The CFPB has issued two reports. The first -- entitled "Building the CFPB" -- explains what the agency has been up to in its formative months. Elizabeth Warren's cover note for the report -- entitled "A Strong Foundation" -- underscores that a key goal of the agency is assuring that consumers understand the financial deals they are offered:
The consumer bureau’s statutory obligations are designed to make markets for consumer financial products and services work in a fair, transparent, and competitive manner. This means, in part, creating a level playing field where all providers of consumer financial products and services are subject to meaningful oversight to ensure that they play by the rules. It also means creating a level playing field where both parties to the transaction – the customer and the lender – can understand the terms of the deal, where the price and the risk of products are made clear, and where direct comparisons can be made from one product to another. Americans aren’t looking for a free ride. They expect to be held responsible for their debts and purchases. And they understand that there are consequences to not keeping up with payments. When consumers are presented with a choice between two financial products, and they know the true costs, the actual benefits, and the real risks of those products, they will be better able to make good decisions for themselves and their families. A level playing field encourages personal responsibility and smart decision-making. Americans are looking for an honest marketplace. They want to know the costs up-front, so that they’re not blindsided by hidden fees, interest rate changes, or payment shocks. A properly functioning market relies on consumers’ getting the information necessary to make the best decision for themselves and their families. Consumers have the power to drive markets, but only if they’re provided with the basic information that lets them choose products that meet their needs and reject those that do not.
The CFPB also issued a report yesterday on credit scores. As the agency's press releaseexplains, the report focuses on the differences between credit scores sold to consumers and scores used by lenders to make credit decisions.
Posted by Brian Wolfman on Wednesday, July 20, 2011 at 08:02 AM Permalink Comments (0) TrackBack (0)
Tuesday, July 19, 2011
Did President Obama Err in Not Nominating Elizabeth Warren to Head the CFPB?
In the LA Times, David Lazarus says yes and discusses the views of unnamed CFPB insiders and named consumer advocates. Still unexplained is why the President waited so long to make the nomination and, in particular, why he did not nominate someone shortly after he signed the legislation creating the agency on July 21, 2010.
Lazarus's piece also makes clear that Senate Republicans still will not vote for anyone to head the agency until the agency is changed to their liking, and Lazarus links that reality to his view that the President blinked on the nomination:
"Until President Obama addresses our concerns by supporting a few reasonable structural changes, we will not confirm anyone to lead it," said Alabama Sen. Richard Shelby, the ranking Republican on the Senate Banking Committee. That's why I say Obama shouldn't have backed down. He's now in the same position as before but has sacrificed his first-choice pick to run the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.
Monday, July 18, 2011
Elizabeth Warren in HuffPo on Richard Cordray and the CFPB
Here. An excerpt:
Rich will be a strong leader for this agency. He has a proven track record of fighting for families during his time as head of the CFPB enforcement division, as Attorney General of Ohio, and throughout his career. He was one of the first senior executives I recruited for the agency, and his hard work and deep commitment make it clear he can make many important contributions in leading it. Rich is smart, he is tough, and he will make a stellar Director. I am very pleased for him and very pleased for the CFPB.
Posted by Jeff Sovern on Monday, July 18, 2011 at 05:32 PM in Consumer Financial Protection Bureau Permalink Comments (0) TrackBack (0)
Is Defaulting on the Debt -- or Even a Congressional Threat to Default on the Debt -- Unconstitutional?
Tom Geoghegan says yes.
Sunday, July 17, 2011
Saturday, July 16, 2011
WSJ: President to Nominate CFPB Head Next Week; It's Not Warren
Posted by Jeff Sovern on Saturday, July 16, 2011 at 04:08 PM in Consumer Financial Protection Bureau Permalink Comments (3) TrackBack (0)
Friday, July 15, 2011
Colin Marks on The Possible Irony of Concepcion
Colin P. Marks
of St. Mary's has written The Possible Irony of AT&T versus Concepcion. Here's the abstract:Irony is defined as, “the use of words to express something other than and especially the opposite of the literal meaning.” Though many other definitions of the word exist, in light of the Supreme Court’s majority opinion in AT&T v. Concepcion, this definition comes to mind. Read broadly, the decision strikes a blow to the ability of consumers to bring suits against companies, both inside and outside of arbitration. But that was not the intent behind the federal act which the Court relied upon to justify its decision.
In 1925, when Congress passed the Federal Arbitration Act (FAA), its intended purpose was to promote enforcement of arbitration clauses. Congress did not sweep away all state-created defenses to contract; however; quite the contrary, Congress inserted a savings clause that arbitration provisions could be stricken just as any other contract could, “upon such grounds as exist at law or in equity.” It was upon this basis that the Ninth Circuit upheld a decision to strike down a clause in an agreement between AT&T and the Concepcions which required not only that the Concepcions submit all disputes to arbitration, but also forbade them from forming a class within that arbitration. On appeal to the Supreme Court, AT&T argued that the FAA preempted the unconscionably finding, despite the savings clause, as California law discriminated against arbitration clauses in violation of the FAA. Justice Scalia, writing for the majority, agreed that the unconscionably finding under California law was preempted by the FAA. In overruling the Ninth Circuit, he repeated the theme of the need to promote arbitration. Throughout the majority opinion, he introduced, as a corollary, the desire to promote expedited resolution of disputes.
The majority opinion is itself open to multiple interpretations, however. Read narrowly, the opinion may do nothing more than restate the already established principle that states cannot strike down arbitration clauses simply by virtue of their existence. But the decision can also be read much more broadly. A broad reading of the opinion suggests that any attempt by a court or state legislature to limit the method and means of arbitration in a way inconsistent with what Congress envisioned is preempted by the FAA. Thus, according to the majority opinion, Congress’ desire to promote bilateral arbitrations preempted the California courts’ rulings that clauses limiting the ability to form class actions are unconscionable.
And therein lies the irony.
If the opinion is read broadly, in striking down the defense of unconscionably to class actions waivers as inconsistent with the purposes of the FAA, the majority opinion, in effect, has denied a large swath of individuals the realistic opportunity to ever bring their claims, in arbitration or otherwise. In the aftermath of this decision, every corporation will be inserting class action waivers into their arbitration clauses, if they haven’t already, and may be emboldened to go much further. Thus, while the majority opinion cites, as the reason for its decision, to a broad policy of encouraging arbitration and the expeditious resolution of disputes, the effect will be quite the opposite.
This essay explores the possible dual readings of AT&T v. Concepcion in light of the FAA and its interpretation, including Supreme Court precedents. This essay concludes that, though there is support for interpreting the Concepcion decision narrowly, it is more likely that a broader interpretation was intended, but the metes and bounds of this opinion have yet to be explored. Nonetheless, under this broad interpretation, the effect on consumers will be to discourage individuals from seeking redress for their claims. The decision may actually encourage businesses to breach contractual obligations with impunity when the individual sums owed are too small to justify, in the mind of a reasonable consumer, the time and effort to seek a remedy.
In 1925, when Congress passed the Federal Arbitration Act (FAA), its intended purpose was to promote enforcement of arbitration clauses. Congress did not sweep away all state-created defenses to contract; however; quite the contrary, Congress inserted a savings clause that arbitration provisions could be stricken just as any other contract could, “upon such grounds as exist at law or in equity.” It was upon this basis that the Ninth Circuit upheld a decision to strike down a clause in an agreement between AT&T and the Concepcions which required not only that the Concepcions submit all disputes to arbitration, but also forbade them from forming a class within that arbitration. On appeal to the Supreme Court, AT&T argued that the FAA preempted the unconscionably finding, despite the savings clause, as California law discriminated against arbitration clauses in violation of the FAA. Justice Scalia, writing for the majority, agreed that the unconscionably finding under California law was preempted by the FAA. In overruling the Ninth Circuit, he repeated the theme of the need to promote arbitration. Throughout the majority opinion, he introduced, as a corollary, the desire to promote expedited resolution of disputes.
The majority opinion is itself open to multiple interpretations, however. Read narrowly, the opinion may do nothing more than restate the already established principle that states cannot strike down arbitration clauses simply by virtue of their existence. But the decision can also be read much more broadly. A broad reading of the opinion suggests that any attempt by a court or state legislature to limit the method and means of arbitration in a way inconsistent with what Congress envisioned is preempted by the FAA. Thus, according to the majority opinion, Congress’ desire to promote bilateral arbitrations preempted the California courts’ rulings that clauses limiting the ability to form class actions are unconscionable.
And therein lies the irony.
If the opinion is read broadly, in striking down the defense of unconscionably to class actions waivers as inconsistent with the purposes of the FAA, the majority opinion, in effect, has denied a large swath of individuals the realistic opportunity to ever bring their claims, in arbitration or otherwise. In the aftermath of this decision, every corporation will be inserting class action waivers into their arbitration clauses, if they haven’t already, and may be emboldened to go much further. Thus, while the majority opinion cites, as the reason for its decision, to a broad policy of encouraging arbitration and the expeditious resolution of disputes, the effect will be quite the opposite.
This essay explores the possible dual readings of AT&T v. Concepcion in light of the FAA and its interpretation, including Supreme Court precedents. This essay concludes that, though there is support for interpreting the Concepcion decision narrowly, it is more likely that a broader interpretation was intended, but the metes and bounds of this opinion have yet to be explored. Nonetheless, under this broad interpretation, the effect on consumers will be to discourage individuals from seeking redress for their claims. The decision may actually encourage businesses to breach contractual obligations with impunity when the individual sums owed are too small to justify, in the mind of a reasonable consumer, the time and effort to seek a remedy.
Posted by Jeff Sovern on Friday, July 15, 2011 at 11:02 AM in Arbitration, Consumer Law Scholarship Permalink Comments (0) TrackBack (0)
Thursday, July 14, 2011
Michael Hiltzik on Social Security and the "Chained" CPI
For many years, some observers have argued that Social Security cost-of-living increases are too generous. They argue that the public fisc could save billions of dollars by using a "chained" consumer price index (CPI). The idea is that CPI increases should not be based on increases in the cost of a static market basket of goods because as the price of a product rises, consumers tend to substitute lower-priced products, use less of the product, stop using the product, etc.
In this LA Times article, Michael Hiltzik says that the chained CPI makes no sense for social security benefits for several reasons, one of which seems quite important: For the kinds of things that senior citizens need -- medical care, for instance -- it is often not reasonable to assume that there is a substitute product or that the person can do with less of it. (As Hiltzik puts it, "it's not as though you can forgo a prescribed heart bypass operation and opt for a cheaper hernia operation instead.") Moreover, the CPI underestimates inflation for seniors because medical care is a disproportionate part of their spending, and medical care "has risen in cost at nearly twice the rate of overall inflation over the last couple of decades." So, at the very least, you wouldn't want to go with a chained CPI until you fixed the CPI for seniors. Hiltzik's article talks about efforts to do that as well.
Another Viewpoint on Restaurant Calorie Disclosures
[Ed. note: One of our readers read our recent posts on the value of calorie disclosure laws and wanted to join the discussion.]
by Thomas McSorley
I read this week’s earlier posts [here and here] about the questionable worth of calorie disclosure laws as a solution to the nation’s obesity epidemic with very mixed feelings. While I appreciate the importance of using data to discern good policy, I also personally know how effective calorie disclosure can be in effecting weight loss. Until a year ago, I had been obese nearly my entire life. (I’m 27.) After a series of false starts (over a period of years), I finally began to achieve sustainable weight loss by logging everything I ate on a “food diary” website, and also by exercising fairly regularly (for thirty or so minutes most days . . . by no means training for a triathalon). After a week of focused effort, I lost a couple pounds. By keeping up the program over a year, I had lost seventy, 1 to 2 pounds a week. I’ve now kept it off for a year (and lost a handful more). (In the spirit of full disclosure, I also eliminated most meat and dairy from my home consumption and bulked up my diet of vegetables and fiber-rich grains and legumes.)
The key—the absolute, unquestionable key—to my weight loss was a clear daily calorie target and the availability of calorie data. When I would eat at restaurants where calorie data wasn’t available, I would work hard to eat the healthiest thing I could figure out and overestimate the calories on my food diary. This worked fine, and most chain restaurants (the only ones affected by the new national calorie disclosure law) have calorie data on their websites so I could plan when I ate at them. However, now that I’m in the “sustaining” weight loss phase, I especially appreciate those restaurants that have calories right on the menu or package. If the calories are there, I cannot ignore them. I always get the right thing. If they are not, I’ve been known to cheat. In the short term, this hasn’t had any adverse effects, but over the long run, I know that having calories printed right there on restaurant menus (the way they are on everything I eat at home) will significantly bolster my ability to stay at a healthy weight.
Calorie disclosure laws certainly aren’t a panacea; they require the recipient of the data to be serious about using the information. But, sustainable weight loss isn’t just about a wishy-washy attempt to “eat better, exercise more.” To lose weight effectively and in a way that keeps it off, I had to be serious and scientific about hitting a hard calorie goal every single day. Even though I probably wasn’t going to order the bacon double cheeseburger whether or not I knew it had exactly 1500 calories (seriously, without fries), the difference between a grilled salmon dish with 350 and one with 450 calories meant a significant difference in a carefully calibrated program.
So, I celebrated the news that restaurant calorie disclosure was going to be nationally mandated, and I know of at least one person who will be using the data. (I already love walking into take out places in Philly and New York, and Pret a Manger, that have the numbers printed right there.) Like the new gruesome cigarette packs, I’m not sure that the calorie disclosure laws will save many lives or make many more people healthier, but I’m not complaining about them.
More on Today's House Oversight Hearing on the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau
Jeff Sovern posted earlier on today's House Oversight & Government Reform hearing on the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. Jeff described it as the House majority's "one last shot" at Elizabeth Warren before the CFPB officially opens its doors on July 21. Today's Washington Post has another article on the topic, and Committee Chair Darrell Issa has this hearing "Preview Statement" on the Committee's website.
Wednesday, July 13, 2011
The Haggler, Deception, and Google
by Jeff Sovern
The Sunday Times Haggler column took on lead generation companies in the context of Seattle emergency locksmiths. As David Segal (the Haggler) explained:
Last Tuesday, the Haggler typed “emergency locksmith Seattle” into a browser, and the top results — most notably, the seven that appeared in the highly coveted Google Places spots, which are marked on an area map — appeared to be lead gen sites.
That is to say, they are not locksmiths at all, but phone banks that dispatch locksmiths. So what, you might say. According to Segal "Some are legitimate, but others may all too often do shoddy work and/or charge two or three times the estimate." And if you are seeking a Seattle locksmith, would you rather call someone who works in your city and so depends on local good will, or a service that might be located far away that has no such interest, and that has attained prominence on Google by gaming its algorithm? Consumers reading such listings are deceived into think they are calling a locksmith, but they are really calling a phonebank. Segal observes that this practice is not limited to Seattle or locksmiths, by the way.
Google is fighting such efforts, and Segal reports that state attorneys general have also become involved. But maybe it's time for Congress to look into improper lead generation practices and consider legislation to prevent them.
Posted by Jeff Sovern on Wednesday, July 13, 2011 at 03:00 PM in Unfair & Deceptive Acts & Practices (UDAP) Permalink Comments (0) TrackBack (0)
Coventry First’s Abuse of Trademark Law to Suppress Criticism Falls Apart
by Paul Alan Levy
Coventry First is in the viatical business. It buys life insurance policies hoping to profit from payment of the insurance proceeds when the insured dies. It recently got a spate of publicity for its trademark action against one of its critics who anonymously set up aparodic Twitter account, using the Twitter name coventryfirst, to publish a series of messages focusing on the ghoulish aspect of Coventry First’s business —the sooner the insured dies, the better the return on the investment. As one blogger noted, “it has been criticized as an industry that basically bets on death.” Coventry then sent a subpoena to Twitter demanding the identity of the account holder.
We at Public Citizen have defended consumers’ rights to use trademarks in domain names, Facebook account names, titles and meta tags of web sites and web pages that criticize the trademark holder. The ability to put the company or product name in those locations is important both because it identifies the subject of the criticism and, in many cases, may help consumers who are using search tools to find information about companies to find criticisms as well as the companies’ own self-aggrandizing web sites. We have also been concerned about efforts to overcome anonymity based on legal claims without a realistic chance of success because it puts speakers at risk of retaliation for speaking out against powerful and well-connected companies and politicians, and our client was worried about what she considered to be Coventry First’s pleasure at using its economic clout against perceived enemies. We were thus happy to help the Twitter user defend herself against the suit. We thus undertook to file a motion to quash the subpoena.
We at Public Citizen have defended consumers’ rights to use trademarks in domain names, Facebook account names, titles and meta tags of web sites and web pages that criticize the trademark holder. The ability to put the company or product name in those locations is important both because it identifies the subject of the criticism and, in many cases, may help consumers who are using search tools to find information about companies to find criticisms as well as the companies’ own self-aggrandizing web sites. We have also been concerned about efforts to overcome anonymity based on legal claims without a realistic chance of success because it puts speakers at risk of retaliation for speaking out against powerful and well-connected companies and politicians, and our client was worried about what she considered to be Coventry First’s pleasure at using its economic clout against perceived enemies. We were thus happy to help the Twitter user defend herself against the suit. We thus undertook to file a motion to quash the subpoena.
Tuesday, July 12, 2011
Generic Drugs: Their Use Saves Consumers Billions of Dollars, But Consumers Could Do Better If Doctors Cooperated
About 70% of all prescriptions for drugs are filled with generic drugs. The move to generic drugs has occurred for many reasons including a landmark 1984 federal law that encouraged their development. Another reason is that laws in many states require pharmacies to give consumers the generic version of a prescription drug whenever a generic version is available, even if the doctor prescribes the brand name. In the aggregate, these laws, pressure from insurers, and growing acceptance of generic drugs by many doctors, save consumers (and their public and private insurers) tens of billions of dollars every year.
But there is a big exception in the state "generic substitution" laws: When doctors prescribe brand name drugs and demand that the pharmacist "dispense as written" (that is, when they write "DAW" on their prescription pads), the pharmacist generally must fill the prescription with the brand name drug. About 5% of all prescriptions are DAW, costing consumers lots of money.
How much money? Well, the difference in price between brand name and generic drugs can be very large. Here's one example from an informative article in today's Washington Post on DAW prescriptions:
Take . . . the popular anti-cholesterol drug Zocor. According to Drugs.com, a 90-pill bottle costs $459.98. But 90 pills of simvastatin, the generic version of Zocor, are only $83.97. Buy simvastatin at Wal-mart or Target, which offer special pricing programs, and the cost comes down to just $12.
Why do doctors insist on DAW? According to the Post article, because (1) some doctors wrongly believe that generic drugs are unsafe or ineffective; (2) some doctors frequently remember only the brand name not the generic name of the drug (which doesn't seem like a reason to use DAW); and (3) some doctors are influenced by brand name advertising.
As the Post explains, some states trying to curb DAW prescriptions:
In 2009, for example, Massachusetts began requiring doctors to explain in writing why they were insisting — via a DAW — on a brand-name medication as opposed to a generic. The results were dramatic. According to the Generic Pharmaceutical Association, the state’s Medicaid spending for drugs fell by $150 million within a year.
It will be interesting to see whether other states follow Massachusetts' lead.
Monday, July 11, 2011
The Hill: GOP gets one last shot at Consumer Protection bureau before it opens
by Jeff Sovern
Here. The article is mostly about Elizabeth Warren's upcoming appearance before the House Oversight Committee on Thursday. A couple of quotes:
“This hearing will give Professor Warren an opportunity to provide clear information – which has so far not been articulated in public statements, budget justification, FOIA responses, or previous congressional testimony – about how the administration intends to go about protecting consumers,” said an Oversight spokesperson.
* * *
In perhaps a taste of what is to come, Raj Date, the CFPB’s associate director of research, markets and regulations – and a potential candidate for the agency’s director – got his share of GOP grilling at a House Financial Services Committee hearing last week. Date faced several questions from Republicans, yet again, about the CFPB’s role in ongoing settlement negotiations between federal and state investigators and mortgage servicers over widespread documentation problems.
Perhaps the Committee spokesperson should take a look at the Bureau's web site: the spokesperson might see there how the Bureau has already started working on mortgage disclosures. I wish the Committee would hold itself to its own standards and explain how interrogating Bureau personnel about its role in advising attorneys general helps consumers.
Posted by Jeff Sovern on Monday, July 11, 2011 at 08:31 PM in Consumer Financial Protection Bureau Permalink Comments (1) TrackBack (0)
Do Government Policy Makers Care About Unemployment?
No, says University of Massachusetts economist Nancy Folbre in this N.Y. Times opinion piece. She says that there "are three possible reasons":
First, unemployment is concentrated among the less educated, blacks and Hispanics who lack political or economic clout. Second, high unemployment is not hurting overall business profits, which have soared to historic heights. In the 1930s, joblessness reduced the demand for consumer goods, idling many businesses as well as workers, creating economic incentives to support public job-creation efforts. Today, our largest corporations and richest investors are well positioned to take advantage of growing demand in emerging markets far from our shores, whether in the form of increased exports or new investment opportunities. * * * Third, the jobless individuals, public employees and small-business owners who could, in theory, form a strong political coalition to support more active job creation are constantly subjected to a barrage of arguments that we should do nothing but cut government spending and hope for the best.
Friday, July 08, 2011
More on Calorie Disclosure
I blogged earlier today on the possible ineffectiveness of laws requiring restaurants to disclose the calorie content of the foods that they sell in an effort to curb obesity. I suggested that current disclosures may be retooled as we learn more about their impact, just as tobacco warnings have been changed over the years.
A reader, Colin Hector, has responded with this interesting comment:
[O]n calorie disclosures, I think it's important to note that some of this retooling is hopefully going on. Although not in the context of menu labeling, the FDA's announcement in October 2009 that the agency is considering different forms of front-of-package labeling gives some hope that we may see more effective forms of calorie disclosures in grocery stores and elsewhere (http://www.fda.gov/downloads/NewsEvents/Newsroom/MediaTranscripts/UCM187809.pdf).One promising model is the "traffic light" system, using the familial colors of the a traffic light to express relative levels of fats, sugar, and sodium. Sadly, while the British Food Standards Agency advised the use of the traffic light system, the EU recently rejected making the system mandatory. A less consumer-friendly model is the Grocery Manufacturer Association's "Nutrition Keys" model, which fails to utilize any effective signals for calorie information (and would only require information on saturated fat, not overall fat), and has been criticized as an attempt to circumvent more effective government regulation.
Colin's comment reminds me of a recent post by Jeff Sovern, who noted that, although most disclosures are ineffective, disclosures may work if they are simple and easy to understand.
Sobering Information on the Obesity Epidemic
Yesterday brought to my attention some distressing material on the obesity epidemic.
First, the Trust for America's Health and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation issued a report entitled "F as in Fat: How Obesity Threatens America's Future 2011." The report reviews staggering increases in obesity rates in the United States. A person is considered obese if his or her body mass index (BMI) -- a calculation based on height/weight ratios -- is 30 or greater.
Here is the beginning of the press release accompanying the report:
Adult obesity rates increased in 16 states in the past year and did not decline in any state. ... Twelve states now have obesity rates above 30 percent. Four years ago, only one state was above 30 percent.The obesity epidemic continues to be most dramatic in the South, which includes nine of the 10 states with the highest adult obesity rates. States in the Northeast and West tend to have lower rates. Mississippi maintained the highest adult obesity rate for the seventh year in a row, and Colorado has the lowest obesity rate and is the only state with a rate under 20 percent. This year, for the first time, the report examined how the obesity epidemic has grown over the past two decades. Twenty years ago, no state had an obesity rate above 15 percent. Today, more than two out of three states, 38 total, have obesity rates over 25 percent, and just one has a rate lower than 20 percent. Since 1995, when data was available for every state, obesity rates have doubled in seven states and increased by at least 90 percent in 10 others. Obesity rates have grown fastest in Oklahoma, Alabama, and Tennessee, and slowest in Washington, D.C., Colorado, and Connecticut.
As noted, the states with the highest obesity rates are overwhelmingly located in the South. But some Northern states fare poorly as well. For instance, Michigan is 10th, with an obesity rate of 30.5%. And get this: The highest state obesity rate in 1995 (Mississippi at 19.4%) is lower than the lowest state obesity rate today (Colorado at 19.8%).
The report also discusses the relationship between obesity and serious diseases, such as diabetes and high blood pressure:
Obesity contributes to a range of chronic diseases, including diabetes and hypertension. Of the 10 states with the highest rates of diabetes, eight are also in the top 10 for obesity; of the 10 states with the highest rates of hypertension, nine also rank in the top 10 for obesity. Between 1995 and 2010, obesity, diabetes, and hypertension also all rose significantly in almost every state and in Washington, D.C.
The Report goes on to address the particular challenges posed by massive increases in childhood obesity and discusses a wide array of current and potential government policies to curb obesity. Read the entire press release, the full report, and a Washington Post storyon the report.
The report's discussion of government policy targetting obesity brings me to a second topic: laws aimed at reducing obesity by requiring disclosure of the calorie content of restaurant food. Over the past decade, localities, such as New York City, Philadelphia, and Montgomery County, Maryland, began to require calorie disclosures at chain restaurants. And, beginning next year, FDA calorie disclosure regulations will apply nationwide. This blog has covered that issue in some depth and expressed optimism that menu labeling would cause people to eat more healthily.
But, according to this story in yesterday's Washington Post, calorie disclosures have made little or no difference, particularly to the people who are meant to benefit from them:
Evidence is mounting that calorie labels — promoted by some nutritionists and the restaurant industry to help stem the obesity crisis — do not steer most people to lower-calorie foods. Eating habits rarely change, according to several studies. Perversely, some diners see the labels yet consume more calories than usual. People who use the labels often don’t need to. (Meaning: They are thin.)
There is little data so far, and it is going to be difficult to isolate the effects of calorie disclosure on eating behavior from other effects that may push in the same or the opposite direction. But we have noted on several occasions -- go here, for instance -- that disclosure laws do not always achieve their intended goals. Calorie disclosure is one tool among many, and, as with the long fight against tobacco addiction, disclosures, warnings, and other forms of public education may take a long time and considerable retooling before they begin to work.
Thursday, July 07, 2011
Politico on the CFPB's "Soft Launch"
Here.
Posted by Jeff Sovern on Thursday, July 07, 2011 at 05:56 PM in Consumer Financial Protection Bureau Permalink Comments (0) TrackBack (0)
Related articles
- The Office of the Controller of the Currency Issues Final Preemption Rules; Consumer Advocates Cry Foul (pubcit.typepad.com)
- O.C.C. Spells Trouble, Again (baselinescenario.com)
- Marcus Stanley of Americans for Financial Reform on the One-Year Anniversary of Dodd-Frank (rortybomb.wordpress.com)
- Elizabeth Warren: Government Hasn't Sufficiently Probed Foreclosure Abuses (VIDEO) (huffingtonpost.com)
- Alan White on JP Morgan's Attempt to Evade State Law (lawprofessors.typepad.com)
- Happy Birthday, Dodd-Frank (ftalphaville.ft.com)
- Another SCOTUS Cert Grant on Preemption: National Meat v. Harris (lawprofessors.typepad.com)
- Under Attack, Gensler Defends Derivatives Rules (dealbook.nytimes.com)
- Arbitration, preemption and regulatory coordination (truthonthemarket.com)
- Dory Rand: Consumers and Lenders Both Better Off With Fully Functioning CFPB (huffingtonpost.com)
No comments:
Post a Comment